🔗 Share this article A Year Following Donald Trump's Victory, Why Do The Democratic Party Clutching The Same Strategy? Party leaders facilitated Donald Trump to claim the highest office on two occasions due to repetitive patterns that continue to drive the establishment—weakening their potential to end the real-life nightmare of Trumpist dominance over the national administration. Analyzing the ways in which this century's elected officials laid the groundwork for victories at the polls is crucial not only for insight about the past. It also allows for a critical focus on ways similar errors can be prevented in the time ahead. Fiscal Approaches and Corporate Alignment Party elites benefited significantly after Barack Obama regained the presidency for his party in early 2009, in the midst of the financial crisis. He bailed out major banks while a significant portion of families faced foreclosure. By the time Obama was approaching the end of his time in office, he had contributed to “the loss of at least 5.2 million US homeowner families, the explosion of wealth disparity, and the largest ruination of middle-class wealth in almost 100 years”, as noted by journalists. The final year of his presidency was anticipated to transition to Hillary Clinton's first. She was the party establishment's favorite. “You know, I get accused of being leaning toward the center,” the candidate informed a supporters group in that year. “I admit it.” The party organization and mainstream outlets offered significant support as she resisted the populist movement of Bernie Sanders. But after securing the candidacy, Clinton failed to gain momentum with youth, who had strongly supported the progressive during the primaries. Post-2016 Response and Blaming Russia Following the Republican overcame Clinton in that fall, Democratic party leaders were reluctant to criticize themselves or their “middle-of-the-road” nominee. Challenging her coziness with big finance was not an option. Also avoided was addressing her thinly veiled contempt for the activist base of the organization. Instead, the immediate reaction from prominent Clinton campaigners was to attribute the loss to foreign interference, launching a prolonged fixation on “Russiagate” that enabled the elite-catering officials of the party to avoid responsibility. The party leadership's devotion to corporate power remained free from scrutiny. As the senator stated to a journalist in that period: “Without a doubt there are some people in the party who want to maintain the current system. They'd choose to sink with the Titanic as long as they have privileged spots.” Party Chiefs and Resisting Reform Ensconced in luxurious settings, the party heads, the former Speaker and the Senate leader, maintained tight control over the lawmakers, deterring progressive efforts of real importance as the president became accustomed to using presidential power. The party discipline continued after the party recaptured the lower chamber in the midterms. With Pelosi again gripping the speaker's gavel, her famed capacity to obtain gobs of money from deep pockets was coupled with reinforcing ongoing submission to elite influence and a steady embrace of military expansion supporting giant corporations. Shortly after the midterms, a protest at her office confronted the party's anemic responses to the global warming. The youth organization asserted that “Nancy Pelosi is employing a token effort to a wildfire”. But the leading figure on Congress was doubtful, downplaying the environmental threat while estranging advocates in the young environmentalists and their supporters. In that winter, not long after settling back into the House speaker's chair, she insulted advocates of the Green New Deal, commenting to it in a media interview as “the green dream or whatever it's named, nobody knows what it is, but they endorse it, correct?” Election Campaign and Progressive Threat While the campaign approached, the party establishment was anxious to fend off another Sanders campaign. Some sounded the alarm, others practiced optimistic speculation from an protected circle. “You'll find hard-core, hard-left progressives who will have solely the senator, but the numbers are small,” predicted Howard Dean, a ex-official and formerly liberal favorite who had become a militaristic corporate accessory. But actually, as the second Sanders campaign for the White House built support, corporate power brokers had reason to be afraid that his vigorous left-wing appeal was articulating to widespread sentiments of the voters. For business elites determined to keep elite control, a successful Bernie 2020 campaign would be the most undesirable possible outcome of the race. Victory and Administrative Moves This result was avoided in the first months of 2020, to some extent thanks to several competitors jointly bowing out and endorsing Biden, who went on to defeat the incumbent's effort by a slim majority. Biden was not the earliest executive to assume power at a time of rapidly growing wealth gap, but more than most he started taking measures about it. His initial period involved supporting and enacting the stimulus package, a $1.9 trillion plan that boosted the quality of life of many millions of U.S. citizens. However his determination faded as time passed. He decided to drop Build Back Better proposal that would have been transformational, relinquishing the possible Democratic leverage that would have come with approving it in tandem with an {infrastructure bill|public